IBON Features/May 2007
COMMENTARY
ELECTIONS IN RP: ILLUSION OF DEMOCRACY?
The closing of voting precincts sees the end only of the first salvo of election cheating with the wholesale manufacturing of the eventual outcome still to come. This is bad enough, but unfortunately the problem with the Philippine electoral exercise actually goes much deeper.
By Sonny Africa
IBON Research Head
IBON Features--No one disputes that the Philippines is mired in economic and political crises. There is endemic poverty that despite government hype everyone knows is nowhere near being overcome. Around 65 million Filipinos struggle to live on P96 or less a day, according to the latest 2003 Family Income and Expenditure Survey (FIES) of the National Statistics Office (NSO). The net worth of just the ten richest Filipinos is equivalent to the combined annual income of the poorest 49 million Filipinos. The situation can only get worse with corporate profits rising even as joblessness is at a sustained historic high.
At the same time is public dismay over a political landscape strewn with issues: illegitimacy, continuing bureaucratic corruption, patronage and self-serving politicians. Worst of all are the unabated political killings and disappearances of over a thousand Filipinos daring to struggle for a more humane future and an end to the country’s chronic crises. This is just in the last six years.
There are perhaps those who believe that the May 2007 mid-term elections offer a path to resolve the country’s ills. They are unlikely to be very many. Probably much more common is a well-founded sense of despair that the elections are a momentary spectacle that in the end won’t mean any real change in governance much less in the country.
The most attention is given to the widespread electoral fraud and violence which are barefaced subversions of the democratic process. These are things already familiar to most Filipinos whether of the fading generation with a recollection of the so-called two-party system pre-Martial Law, of those born during the Marcos dictatorship, or of the generation who believed that they were favored for growing up amid a flawed but at least restored democracy under Aquino.
Unfortunately the despair actually has much deeper roots that strike down to the essential character of “democracy” in the Philippines: it is in many essential respects a false democracy that cannot but result in perpetual social crisis. The fraud and violence during elections are just some of the symptoms of the deep-seated social problem of elite domination of Philippine political life. Even including the appalling phenomenon of political dynasties, of trapo patronage and of brazen opportunist turncoatism still only gives part of the picture.
The problem with the country’s politics is that it remains fundamentally elite-dominated and so overwhelmingly about governance for and by elites. This is a problem that dates from the birth of the Philippine Republic at the turn of the century, continued through the American colonial period, and has alarmingly persisted under post-war neocolonialism until today. On the face of it the last hundred years appears to have seen democracy unevenly but surely taking root with, despite the Martial Law interregnum, inexorable forward progress. However the Philippines regrettably has yet to make the truly qualitative democratic breakthrough.
This is not to deny the many partial gains that have taken place for there is certainly an accumulation of positive steps. It is rather to underscore that, despite all these and the opportunities they open up, the essentially undemocratic character of the country’s politics remains. Philippine politics is changing, but it has yet to really change. Forces for democracy and more broad-based citizen’s participation in governance that genuinely serves their interests are increasing, but they have yet to overcome elite power.
Great resistance
Fortunately the undemocratic character of Philippine politics is being challenged. In ever-increasing numbers, Filipinos have defied the false “freedom of choice” offered by elite-dominated elections. Indeed the increasing violence with which this challenge is put down is back-handed testament to their ever-mounting successes. These all build up towards the much-desired qualitative change in Philippine politics.
At the core of this challenge is the understanding that Filipinos are kept in grinding poverty by elite domination of economic and political life. At the national level this is a set-up that big foreign powers such as the US favor. Lasting Philippine economic backwardness guarantees them a source of cheap labor and natural resources, as well as an outlet for recycling their surplus capital. It also guarantees that the country is weak enough to be subordinated to larger imperialist geopolitical and strategic objectives in the East Asian region.
However this unjust situation is also what has given rise to the greatest hope of overturning it. Social movements have formed and gather strength with the aim of replacing elite domination with a more democratic system that gives primacy to the interest of the majority of Filipinos.
The rise of social movements is important in the country’s attempt to establish a democracy. Their most vital contribution is the painstaking attention to building political consciousness at the grassroots. This is a political awareness that pays rigorous attention to addressing the roots of the country’s stifled modernity. Accompanying this understanding is moreover a commitment to organizing and direct participation in concrete struggles to build a democracy.
Ruling elites have worked to keep these in check and tried to put down their threats to the established order. On one hand they have not been able to prevent important victories such as the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 and the ouster of the corrupt Estrada presidency in 2001. At the same time they are especially careful to preserve their parliamentary bastions of elite power.
In 1946, six congressional representatives of the Democratic Alliance (DA) known to be opposed to unequal treaties with the US were prevented from taking their seats following trumped-up charges of electoral fraud and terrorism in Central Luzon. Especially working with allies in the Nacionalista Party (NP), they would have been enough to deny the three-fourths majority needed to ratify treaties in Congress.
In 1987, the Left-leaning Partido ng Bayan (PnB) which fielded candidates at the senatorial down to the local level came under violent attack by state forces. Six congressional candidates were assassinated, six other provincial coordinators killed, and hundreds more party leaders and members attacked and harassed. PnB offices were bombed and rallies disrupted or broken up.
The year 2001 saw the breakthrough of Left politics in Congress with the progressive political party Bayan Muna (BM) taking the maximum three party-list seats available to it in the House of Representatives. Strengthening and expansion continued in 2004-- with six seats going to BM, Anakpawis (AP) and Gabriela Women’s Party (GWP). Political elites have however responded with a systematic and increasingly violent crackdown not just on these parties which have decisively won seats in Congress but also on the larger social and mass movement that they represent and draw their strength from.
Crisis and authoritarianism
The last six years have been brutal particularly for progressive and democratic forces. Most dramatic are the outright attacks on the mass movement and progressive political parties, including political killings, enforced disappearances, and assassination attempts. The attacks are wide-ranging and include black propaganda and vilification campaigns, illegal arrests, interrogations and torture. There are also pseudo-legal attacks on national leaders involving trumped-up rebellion and murder charges.
The suppression of dissent has at times taken on a legal façade falling just short of outright Martial Law. There was the “calibrated pre-emptive response” declared in September 2005 against protestors aside from a more assertive implementation of the Marcos era “no permit-no rally”. Executive Order (EO) 464, also declared in September 2005, prevented officials from appearing before investigations of high-level government electoral cheating and corruption. Presidential Proclamation 1017’s legally ambiguous “state of national emergency” was declared and sent the political signal that the Arroyo regime would not hesitate to mobilize its full powers against any and all opposition.
It is also worth mentioning how the deepening economic crisis and the shrinking of economic spoils from power also appear to have had another effect. The faction of the elite not in power-- the mainstream political opposition-- has also to some extent been subjected to political repression albeit to a much less degree than the democratic mass movement.
The post-election scenario augurs even more dangerous times for democracy. The National ID System has already begun to be implemented even if only on a limited scale so far. The National Security Plan’s (NISP) Oplan Bantay Laya II has already been drawn up with targets going beyond alleged terrorists to also include revolutionary armed groups and civilian Leftist organizations. All this coincides with global US military aggression waging a self-declared “war on terror” that, among others, aims to secure the Philippines as a key strategic location in East and Southeast Asia. There have already been massive increases in US military aid and intervention under the Arroyo regime aimed at eliminating not just armed liberation movements but also nationalist opposition to the US military presence.
The political situation is most obviously about Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo fighting for sheer political survival. She is beleaguered by issues of illegitimacy following the fraudulent 2004 presidential elections, by the persistence of high-level and grand-scale corruption, and by the economic problems caused by retrogressive “free market” policies. There is widespread public dissatisfaction which already resulted in two impeachment moves and a vigorous ouster campaign.
The current administration’ s survival is now critically dependent on securing greater political control through the mid-term elections. Particularly important is control over the House of Representatives to forestall another impeachment move. Its comprehensive campaign to survive includes another episode of massive electoral fraud, using public funds for electioneering, brazen patronage politics, harassment of local opposition politicians and even subverting of the party-list system. The political killings and attacks in turn are aimed at maiming, if not decimating, among the most organized and effective forces demanding real change. The regime also seeks support from the US by promising charter change to further open up the economy and to allow the wholesale return of US troops.
However the political situation can also be seen at another level: as an elite-dominated system striving to preserve itself amid deepening economic and political crisis. The Filipino people have been engaged in a centuries-long struggle that is creating the real foundations for democracy. Against them are elites threatened by the rumble underfoot who are reacting viciously to preserve their rule. The hundreds of thousands of volunteers mobilizing across the country to watch the polls are engaged in a noble effort. However the fundamental social change sought will only come when millions of Filipinos are able to genuinely claim political power and put in place a true democracy. IBON Features
Tuesday, May 29, 2007
MISS JAPAN NAMED MISS UNIVERSE 2007
Miss Japan named Miss Universe 2007From Peter Mitchell in Los Angeles
May 29, 2007 01:36pm
Article from: AAP
MISS Japan Riyo Mori has been chosen as Miss Universe 2007.
Mori, 20, was overwhelmed when the Miss Universe crown valued at $305,604 was placed on her head by last year's winner Zuleyka Rivera Mendoza of Puerto Rico.
First runner-up was Natalia Guimaraes of Brazil, second runner-up was Ly Jonaitis of Venezuela and third, Honey Lee of Korea.Miss USA Rachel Smith was among the top 10 but, her chances dimmed after she slipped and fell during the evening gown competition. As well as Smith, the other finalists were Micaela Reis of Angola; Puja Gupta of India; Rosa Maria Ojeda of Mexico; Xiomara Blandino of Nicaragua and Flaviana Matata of Tanzania. Miss Universe 2007, crowned in Mexico City, will travel the world for a year on behalf of charities and pageant sponsors. Busteed out earlyAustralia's Miss Universe entrant Kimberley Busteed and her controversial surf life-saving costume were a bust.
The blonde 18-year-old from Queensland had an early night at the pageant after failing to make the first cut.
In the first half hour of the show, when the top 15 list was announced, Busteed was not among them.
Busteed, from Gladstone, appeared on stage in her red one-piece swimsuit and life-saver cap in the national costume section at the top of the show, but it did not impress the judges.
Her quick trip was identical to Australia's Miss Universe entrant last year, Erin McNaught, who was one of the favourites heading into the competition, but she was also booted in the first round.
Jennifer Hawkins set the bar high for Australia's entrants after winning the Miss Universe crown in 2004.
SHOULD JOURNALIST VOTE?
Should journalists vote?
http://gmapinoytv. igma.tv/sidetrip /blog/index. php?/archives/ 230-Should- journalists- vote.html
By Howie Severino
Election day is one of the busiest for journalists. Amid all that activity, how do they find time to vote? Well, as I discovered through my own personal polling method ("chika pulse"), many of my colleagues end up not voting at all.
This leads me to make an unoriginal proposal – if journalists are not going to have time to vote anyway, why not make that a principled omission rather than the result of a scheduling problem? In other words, journalists can refrain from voting as a statement of nonpartisanship and devotion to unbiased reporting.
After all, voting is a partisan act -- albeit a private one -- while we journalists reflexively promise nonpartisanship in our election coverage ("Walang kinikilingan" chorva). If we can make a commitment to a candidate in the voting booth, what assurances can we give our public that we have been fair and unbiased in our coverage? Would it not be natural for us to wish our chosen ones to emerge victorious? Wouldn't that private wish tend to influence, even subliminally, the way we angle a story, especially about those choices and their opponents?
As for the line about journalists being citizens too with a duty to vote, that act may conflict, for the reasons I just mentioned, with our other civic duty on that day to cover and report the election without fear or favor. Since only journalists are tasked with that responsibility, shouldn't that duty reign supreme on election day
As I said, this idea did not originate with me, but with the editor-in-chief of the Washington Post, Leonard Downie, who directs news coverage in the capital of the world's hyperpower. The weight of that responsibility must have caused not a little soul-searching on his part about how to protect and enhance his newspaper's credibility, in an age when the mainstream media's readership and authority are being eroded by charges of bias. Downie wrote in a famous essay in the op-ed section of his newspaper:
"I no longer exercise my right to vote. As the final decision-maker on news coverage in The Post, I refuse to decide, even privately, which candidate should be president or a member of the city council or what policies should be set for health care or taxes. I want my mind to remain open to all sides and possibilities as I supervise our coverage."
Most journalists queried whether their voting preferences affect their coverage will of course be quick to deny it, as Jiggy Manicad and Maki Pulido did when I asked them that question on Sine Totoo last Saturday night. But in a political environment like ours where almost everyone's integrity is suspect, including journalists', perhaps we should consider extraordinary steps to ensure that we can be trusted.
Some journalists, of course, came out publicly to disagree with Downie's argument for non-voting journalists. The respected pundit Michael Kinsley even called it "lunatic". From an essay in Slate, I quote Kinsley:
"(Downie) is buying into the fallacy that having an opinion is the same as having a bias.
What's the difference? Bias is a failure to suppress your opinions or (if opinion is in your job description) to state and defend your opinions openly. Like avoiding opinions, avoiding all bias is probably impossible.. .
So perfect objectivity is not just unachievable but indefinable. That doesn't make it a false ideal. Avoiding bias is a more reasonable aspiration than avoiding opinion itself. If you reject the Downie Solution, though, you'd better have an alternative way to demonstrate your lack of bias. Fortunately, the burgeoning field of journalistic ethics has an all-purpose alternative solution for almost all ethical dilemmas. It is disclosure. Let your readers know that your great-aunt's ex-husband owns 10 shares of AT&T, and they can decide for themselves whether this biases your coverage of the telecommunicationsi ndustry.
Why shouldn't the same logic apply to politics? If you're not going to refrain from voting, why not let your readers know how you voted so they can judge your objectivity for themselves? If you're asking them to trust you despite your political opinions, shouldn't they know what those opinions are? If you believe you do an adequate job of preventing your opinions from curdling into bias, what are you afraid of?"
So that is Kinsley's counter-proposal: a voting disclosure policy requiring journalists to inform the public whom they voted for, so that viewers, readers and listeners can decide for themselves whether the reporters they rely on for their news have been too biased to be trusted.
Check out Howie's blog: http://www.gmapinoy tv.com/sidetrip/ blog/
http://gmapinoytv. igma.tv/sidetrip /blog/index. php?/archives/ 230-Should- journalists- vote.html
By Howie Severino
Election day is one of the busiest for journalists. Amid all that activity, how do they find time to vote? Well, as I discovered through my own personal polling method ("chika pulse"), many of my colleagues end up not voting at all.
This leads me to make an unoriginal proposal – if journalists are not going to have time to vote anyway, why not make that a principled omission rather than the result of a scheduling problem? In other words, journalists can refrain from voting as a statement of nonpartisanship and devotion to unbiased reporting.
After all, voting is a partisan act -- albeit a private one -- while we journalists reflexively promise nonpartisanship in our election coverage ("Walang kinikilingan" chorva). If we can make a commitment to a candidate in the voting booth, what assurances can we give our public that we have been fair and unbiased in our coverage? Would it not be natural for us to wish our chosen ones to emerge victorious? Wouldn't that private wish tend to influence, even subliminally, the way we angle a story, especially about those choices and their opponents?
As for the line about journalists being citizens too with a duty to vote, that act may conflict, for the reasons I just mentioned, with our other civic duty on that day to cover and report the election without fear or favor. Since only journalists are tasked with that responsibility, shouldn't that duty reign supreme on election day
As I said, this idea did not originate with me, but with the editor-in-chief of the Washington Post, Leonard Downie, who directs news coverage in the capital of the world's hyperpower. The weight of that responsibility must have caused not a little soul-searching on his part about how to protect and enhance his newspaper's credibility, in an age when the mainstream media's readership and authority are being eroded by charges of bias. Downie wrote in a famous essay in the op-ed section of his newspaper:
"I no longer exercise my right to vote. As the final decision-maker on news coverage in The Post, I refuse to decide, even privately, which candidate should be president or a member of the city council or what policies should be set for health care or taxes. I want my mind to remain open to all sides and possibilities as I supervise our coverage."
Most journalists queried whether their voting preferences affect their coverage will of course be quick to deny it, as Jiggy Manicad and Maki Pulido did when I asked them that question on Sine Totoo last Saturday night. But in a political environment like ours where almost everyone's integrity is suspect, including journalists', perhaps we should consider extraordinary steps to ensure that we can be trusted.
Some journalists, of course, came out publicly to disagree with Downie's argument for non-voting journalists. The respected pundit Michael Kinsley even called it "lunatic". From an essay in Slate, I quote Kinsley:
"(Downie) is buying into the fallacy that having an opinion is the same as having a bias.
What's the difference? Bias is a failure to suppress your opinions or (if opinion is in your job description) to state and defend your opinions openly. Like avoiding opinions, avoiding all bias is probably impossible.. .
So perfect objectivity is not just unachievable but indefinable. That doesn't make it a false ideal. Avoiding bias is a more reasonable aspiration than avoiding opinion itself. If you reject the Downie Solution, though, you'd better have an alternative way to demonstrate your lack of bias. Fortunately, the burgeoning field of journalistic ethics has an all-purpose alternative solution for almost all ethical dilemmas. It is disclosure. Let your readers know that your great-aunt's ex-husband owns 10 shares of AT&T, and they can decide for themselves whether this biases your coverage of the telecommunicationsi ndustry.
Why shouldn't the same logic apply to politics? If you're not going to refrain from voting, why not let your readers know how you voted so they can judge your objectivity for themselves? If you're asking them to trust you despite your political opinions, shouldn't they know what those opinions are? If you believe you do an adequate job of preventing your opinions from curdling into bias, what are you afraid of?"
So that is Kinsley's counter-proposal: a voting disclosure policy requiring journalists to inform the public whom they voted for, so that viewers, readers and listeners can decide for themselves whether the reporters they rely on for their news have been too biased to be trusted.
Check out Howie's blog: http://www.gmapinoy tv.com/sidetrip/ blog/
BEYOND POVERTY MEASURES, INEQUALITY GROWS
IBON Features/May 2007
The Philippine Poverty Situation
BEYOND POVERTY MEASURES, INEQUALITY GROWS
In 2006, the US$12.4 billion net worth of the Philippines ’ 10 richest is equivalent to the combined annual income of the poorest 9.8 million households.
By Rosario Bella Guzman
IBON Features—In the Philippines, not only is poverty increasing, so are income inequalities. As the old line goes, the rich are getting richer while the poor are sinking deeper into poverty-- and this has proved especially true under the Arroyo administration.
Based on various years of the Family Income and Expenditure Survey (FIES), income distribution is skewed and has worsened since 1985. Over the period, the share of the poorest 60% of families in the national income decreased by 1.8 percentage points while the top 20% were able to increase their share by 1.2 percentage points.
According to the 2003 FIES, the richest 20% of the population account for 53% of total national income while the bottom 20% get only 4.63 percent. The income of the richest 10% of households is 21 times that of the poorest 10 percent.
Such inequality cannot be explained by simply attributing it to differences between regions and economic sectors (i.e. incomes of families in Metro Manila are higher than those in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).
Income inequality is primarily due to the differences in the ownership and control of the country’s resources within the regions, provinces, urban or rural areas, and economic activities. In short, inequality is still the result of a few foreign and local elite monopolizing the country’s resources and employing the rest of the people, as shown by examining the country’s agriculture and industry sectors.
Dominated by a few families
Agriculture is still the country’s major economic activity, directly and indirectly accounting for around three-fourths of the gross domesti c p roduct (GDP) and 40% of transactions in the market while employing 70% of the labor force. Yet the majority of the country’s poor still live in the countryside, precisely because land remains concentrated in the hands of a relatively few land-owing families.
Based on the latest census of agriculture, less than one-third of total landowners still own more than 80% of the country’s agricultural land. Fifty two percent of the farms in the country covering 51% of total farm area remain under tenancy, lease, and other forms of tenurial arrangements. The average farm size is two hectares– subsistence and household level– while 49% of the farms still use primitive technology such as plows and carabaos. Forty-two percent of these farms are not even owned by the farmers.
The dominant families in the country are the land-owning ones whose interests also extend to trade, banking and finance, real estate, as well as manufacturing. The country’s regions can virtually be subdivided into fiefdoms according to the ownership of lands by these families, who include Danding Cojuangco who owns 19,000 hectares all over the archipelago; the Roxases with 8,500 hectares in Batangas; the Cojuangcos (of Cory Aquino) who own the 6,000-hectare Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac; and others such as the Floirendos of Southern Mindanao, Dys of Northern Luzon and the Zubiris of Bukidnon.
To defend their land monopoly they have also stuffed the legislature with representatives from within their own clans. According to a study by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, some 60% of the membership of the 12th Congress (2001-2004) came from the land-owning families or represent their interests in legislation.
On the other hand, foreign and local capitalists dominate local industry and services. Transnational corporations (TNCs) are concentrated to a large extent in manufacturing, followed by wholesale and retail trade and financial intermediation. In manufacturing, TNCs account for the bulk of the revenues derived by the top 1,000 corporations.
The largest TNCs operating in the country include the likes of Texas Instruments, Royal Dutch Shell, Toshiba, Chevron-Texaco, Nestlé, Fujitsu, Philips, Zuellig and Panasonic. By nationality, over half of the TNC revenues are accounted for by Japan (29.4%) and the US (23.8%), distantly followed by the Netherlands (7.3%), Great Britain (6.8%), Switzerland (3.5%) and Germany (1.6%).
The largest transnational banks (TNBs) operating in the country are Citibank, Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC), Standard Chartered and Deutsche Bank, and ING Bank, with the top five TNBs net income reaching P5.5 billion in 2004.
Local family conglomerates are owned and controlled by the country’s biggest landlords and businessmen. The top ten conglomerates in 2004 were those owned by the Cojuangcos (San Miguel Corporation); Gokongweis (JG Summit); Ayalas (Ayala Corporation); Henry Sy (SM Investments); Lopezes (Benpres Holdings); George Go and family (Equitable PCI, which has lately merged with Banco de Oro owned by the Sy family); Concepcions (RFM Corporation); Villars (Filinvest); Pangilinans (Metro Pacific); and Andres Soriano and family (A. Soriano Corporation). Their revenues in 2004 totaled P334 billion.
No Trickle-Down
There has been increasing poverty and inequality under Arroyo despite much-hyped economic growth. This only serves to underscore the distorted character of the economy during her watch.
Late last year, the government as well as private economists claimed that per capita income or the share of every Filipino in the country’s wealth as measured by the gross domestic product (GDP) would hit $1,400 (approximately P71,834) by the end of 2006. But even government economi c p lanners had to admit that the national wealth was not shared equally.
In fact, if the shares to total income defined in the 2003 FIES were used to allocate the 2006 GDP, the poorest 10% would have a per capita annual income of just P2,781 while the richest 10% would have a per capita income of P56,695 (based on an average family size of five).
This inequality is further reflected in the huge gap between the wealth of the country’s richest individuals and families and the poorest Filipinos. The US$12.4 billion net worth as of 2006 of the country’s 10 richest is equivalent to the combined annual income of the poorest 9.8 million households (i.e. P625 billion in 2003).
Hence, more than ever, economic growth under Arroyo continues to measure the growing profits and wealth of a few rather than the welfare of the many. But in the context of a Philippine economic system that favors the rich and powerful, it should not be surprising that while poverty increases in the country, so does inequality. IBON Features
The Philippine Poverty Situation
BEYOND POVERTY MEASURES, INEQUALITY GROWS
In 2006, the US$12.4 billion net worth of the Philippines ’ 10 richest is equivalent to the combined annual income of the poorest 9.8 million households.
By Rosario Bella Guzman
IBON Features—In the Philippines, not only is poverty increasing, so are income inequalities. As the old line goes, the rich are getting richer while the poor are sinking deeper into poverty-- and this has proved especially true under the Arroyo administration.
Based on various years of the Family Income and Expenditure Survey (FIES), income distribution is skewed and has worsened since 1985. Over the period, the share of the poorest 60% of families in the national income decreased by 1.8 percentage points while the top 20% were able to increase their share by 1.2 percentage points.
According to the 2003 FIES, the richest 20% of the population account for 53% of total national income while the bottom 20% get only 4.63 percent. The income of the richest 10% of households is 21 times that of the poorest 10 percent.
Such inequality cannot be explained by simply attributing it to differences between regions and economic sectors (i.e. incomes of families in Metro Manila are higher than those in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).
Income inequality is primarily due to the differences in the ownership and control of the country’s resources within the regions, provinces, urban or rural areas, and economic activities. In short, inequality is still the result of a few foreign and local elite monopolizing the country’s resources and employing the rest of the people, as shown by examining the country’s agriculture and industry sectors.
Dominated by a few families
Agriculture is still the country’s major economic activity, directly and indirectly accounting for around three-fourths of the gross domesti c p roduct (GDP) and 40% of transactions in the market while employing 70% of the labor force. Yet the majority of the country’s poor still live in the countryside, precisely because land remains concentrated in the hands of a relatively few land-owing families.
Based on the latest census of agriculture, less than one-third of total landowners still own more than 80% of the country’s agricultural land. Fifty two percent of the farms in the country covering 51% of total farm area remain under tenancy, lease, and other forms of tenurial arrangements. The average farm size is two hectares– subsistence and household level– while 49% of the farms still use primitive technology such as plows and carabaos. Forty-two percent of these farms are not even owned by the farmers.
The dominant families in the country are the land-owning ones whose interests also extend to trade, banking and finance, real estate, as well as manufacturing. The country’s regions can virtually be subdivided into fiefdoms according to the ownership of lands by these families, who include Danding Cojuangco who owns 19,000 hectares all over the archipelago; the Roxases with 8,500 hectares in Batangas; the Cojuangcos (of Cory Aquino) who own the 6,000-hectare Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac; and others such as the Floirendos of Southern Mindanao, Dys of Northern Luzon and the Zubiris of Bukidnon.
To defend their land monopoly they have also stuffed the legislature with representatives from within their own clans. According to a study by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, some 60% of the membership of the 12th Congress (2001-2004) came from the land-owning families or represent their interests in legislation.
On the other hand, foreign and local capitalists dominate local industry and services. Transnational corporations (TNCs) are concentrated to a large extent in manufacturing, followed by wholesale and retail trade and financial intermediation. In manufacturing, TNCs account for the bulk of the revenues derived by the top 1,000 corporations.
The largest TNCs operating in the country include the likes of Texas Instruments, Royal Dutch Shell, Toshiba, Chevron-Texaco, Nestlé, Fujitsu, Philips, Zuellig and Panasonic. By nationality, over half of the TNC revenues are accounted for by Japan (29.4%) and the US (23.8%), distantly followed by the Netherlands (7.3%), Great Britain (6.8%), Switzerland (3.5%) and Germany (1.6%).
The largest transnational banks (TNBs) operating in the country are Citibank, Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC), Standard Chartered and Deutsche Bank, and ING Bank, with the top five TNBs net income reaching P5.5 billion in 2004.
Local family conglomerates are owned and controlled by the country’s biggest landlords and businessmen. The top ten conglomerates in 2004 were those owned by the Cojuangcos (San Miguel Corporation); Gokongweis (JG Summit); Ayalas (Ayala Corporation); Henry Sy (SM Investments); Lopezes (Benpres Holdings); George Go and family (Equitable PCI, which has lately merged with Banco de Oro owned by the Sy family); Concepcions (RFM Corporation); Villars (Filinvest); Pangilinans (Metro Pacific); and Andres Soriano and family (A. Soriano Corporation). Their revenues in 2004 totaled P334 billion.
No Trickle-Down
There has been increasing poverty and inequality under Arroyo despite much-hyped economic growth. This only serves to underscore the distorted character of the economy during her watch.
Late last year, the government as well as private economists claimed that per capita income or the share of every Filipino in the country’s wealth as measured by the gross domestic product (GDP) would hit $1,400 (approximately P71,834) by the end of 2006. But even government economi c p lanners had to admit that the national wealth was not shared equally.
In fact, if the shares to total income defined in the 2003 FIES were used to allocate the 2006 GDP, the poorest 10% would have a per capita annual income of just P2,781 while the richest 10% would have a per capita income of P56,695 (based on an average family size of five).
This inequality is further reflected in the huge gap between the wealth of the country’s richest individuals and families and the poorest Filipinos. The US$12.4 billion net worth as of 2006 of the country’s 10 richest is equivalent to the combined annual income of the poorest 9.8 million households (i.e. P625 billion in 2003).
Hence, more than ever, economic growth under Arroyo continues to measure the growing profits and wealth of a few rather than the welfare of the many. But in the context of a Philippine economic system that favors the rich and powerful, it should not be surprising that while poverty increases in the country, so does inequality. IBON Features
MAGUINDANAO FRAUD GENUINE ER's DISREGARDED
NEWS RELEASE
May 25, 2007
Reference: TINAY PALABAY (0918-7455449)
GO – PL Task Force Poll Watch
Finally, someone comes out with an affidavit on Maguindanao fraud 190 genuine ER's disregarded, uncanvassed in Maguindanao town
The Party-List-Genuine Opposition Task Force Poll Watch has uncovered damning evidence proving that the Commission on Elections did not canvassed genuine election returns in Maguindanao.
A Maguindanao Board of Election Inspector, Faizal Kalantungan, has executed an affidavit attesting to the fact that 190 ERs and 38 ballot boxes remain uncanvassed in Pagalungan, Maguindanao.
Kalantungan' s affidavit is the first legally binding evidence that proves that no canvassing was conducted in several towns in Maguindanao.
"Up to now, the authorized Comelec officer has yet to collect the election returns and the 38 ballot boxes," says Kalantungan in an affidavit signed yesterday, May 24, 2007.
"There are still 190 ERs in the custody of BEIs, including mine, and a total of 38 ballot boxes inside the Pagalungan municipal hall that remain uncanvassed, " his affidavit stated.
According to Zaynab Ampatuan, head of GO-PL fact-finding team that investigated the fraud in Maguindanao, the 190 uncanvassed ERs contained all the votes in eight (8) of twelve (12) barangays in the said municipality
"It is highly irregular that the Provincial Board of Canvassers already finished canvassing 'votes' in Maguindanao while the ERs remain in the custody of poll officers at the municipal level," says Bayan Muna Representative Satur Ocampo.
"The Maguindanao Certificate of Canvass was already submitted for canvassing to the National Board of Canvassers in PICC. But the genuine ERs reflecting the votes of the electorate were still uncanvassed. This is a clear case of election sabotage, a criminal and election offense" Ocampo stressed.
Anakpawis party-list Rep. Rafael Mariano charged that the ERs and COCs canvassed in Sharif Aguak are "fabricated and therefore not reflective of the Maguindanao electorate's will."
Reps. Ocampo and Mariano called on the Comelec to immediately declare a failure of elections in Magundanao. GO lawyer Sixto Brillantes and Bayan Muna general counsel Neri Colmenares are set to raise the said issue to National Board of Canvassers today. #
May 25, 2007
Reference: TINAY PALABAY (0918-7455449)
GO – PL Task Force Poll Watch
Finally, someone comes out with an affidavit on Maguindanao fraud 190 genuine ER's disregarded, uncanvassed in Maguindanao town
The Party-List-Genuine Opposition Task Force Poll Watch has uncovered damning evidence proving that the Commission on Elections did not canvassed genuine election returns in Maguindanao.
A Maguindanao Board of Election Inspector, Faizal Kalantungan, has executed an affidavit attesting to the fact that 190 ERs and 38 ballot boxes remain uncanvassed in Pagalungan, Maguindanao.
Kalantungan' s affidavit is the first legally binding evidence that proves that no canvassing was conducted in several towns in Maguindanao.
"Up to now, the authorized Comelec officer has yet to collect the election returns and the 38 ballot boxes," says Kalantungan in an affidavit signed yesterday, May 24, 2007.
"There are still 190 ERs in the custody of BEIs, including mine, and a total of 38 ballot boxes inside the Pagalungan municipal hall that remain uncanvassed, " his affidavit stated.
According to Zaynab Ampatuan, head of GO-PL fact-finding team that investigated the fraud in Maguindanao, the 190 uncanvassed ERs contained all the votes in eight (8) of twelve (12) barangays in the said municipality
"It is highly irregular that the Provincial Board of Canvassers already finished canvassing 'votes' in Maguindanao while the ERs remain in the custody of poll officers at the municipal level," says Bayan Muna Representative Satur Ocampo.
"The Maguindanao Certificate of Canvass was already submitted for canvassing to the National Board of Canvassers in PICC. But the genuine ERs reflecting the votes of the electorate were still uncanvassed. This is a clear case of election sabotage, a criminal and election offense" Ocampo stressed.
Anakpawis party-list Rep. Rafael Mariano charged that the ERs and COCs canvassed in Sharif Aguak are "fabricated and therefore not reflective of the Maguindanao electorate's will."
Reps. Ocampo and Mariano called on the Comelec to immediately declare a failure of elections in Magundanao. GO lawyer Sixto Brillantes and Bayan Muna general counsel Neri Colmenares are set to raise the said issue to National Board of Canvassers today. #
POLL EXEC IN TROUBLE OVER MEDIA BAN
Poll exec in trouble over media ban
By Felipe V. CelinoVisayas Bureau
Inquirer.net
Posted date: May 29, 2007
ROXAS CITY—Election Commissioner Resurreccion Borra gave a Roxas City election officer 10 days to answer the complaint of local journalists over the ban on media coverage during the canvassing of votes here.
The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) Capiz chapter filed a complaint on May 16 against Roxas City election officer Genalyn Jimenez for banning journalists from covering the canvassing of votes here. The NUJP-Capiz addressed their letter-complaint to Comelec Chair Benjamin Abalos, Commissioner Borra, Western Visayas Comelec regional director Renato Magbutay and provincial election supervisor Wil Arceño.
No comment
In a memorandum dated May 22, Borra ordered Jimenez to give her reasons for the media ban, said NUJP-Capiz president John Heredia.
However, Jimenez refused to issue any comment about the memorandum, except to ask them to wait for her written answer to Borra.
Magbutay earlier said Jimenez would be given a chance to answer once the NUJP files its complaint. However, Magbutay said that the media ban was improper since the canvassing has to be open to the public.
He added that Jimenez should have come up with an agreement with the media to ensure that the coverage would not be cumbersome.
Magbutay said he had ordered all election officers to be transparent in giving information to the public, especially the media.Jimenez earlier explained that she imposed the ban because the journalists were unruly and that they disrupted the proceedings of the board of canvassers.
She denied the request of two local television programs to cover the canvassing because she said she would feel uncomfortable.Jimenez also said there was no need for media coverage because the proceedings were transparent to the lawyers and the watchers of political parties.
Magbutay, however, said the Comelec recognizes the media as its information arm.
By Felipe V. CelinoVisayas Bureau
Inquirer.net
Posted date: May 29, 2007
ROXAS CITY—Election Commissioner Resurreccion Borra gave a Roxas City election officer 10 days to answer the complaint of local journalists over the ban on media coverage during the canvassing of votes here.
The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) Capiz chapter filed a complaint on May 16 against Roxas City election officer Genalyn Jimenez for banning journalists from covering the canvassing of votes here. The NUJP-Capiz addressed their letter-complaint to Comelec Chair Benjamin Abalos, Commissioner Borra, Western Visayas Comelec regional director Renato Magbutay and provincial election supervisor Wil Arceño.
No comment
In a memorandum dated May 22, Borra ordered Jimenez to give her reasons for the media ban, said NUJP-Capiz president John Heredia.
However, Jimenez refused to issue any comment about the memorandum, except to ask them to wait for her written answer to Borra.
Magbutay earlier said Jimenez would be given a chance to answer once the NUJP files its complaint. However, Magbutay said that the media ban was improper since the canvassing has to be open to the public.
He added that Jimenez should have come up with an agreement with the media to ensure that the coverage would not be cumbersome.
Magbutay said he had ordered all election officers to be transparent in giving information to the public, especially the media.Jimenez earlier explained that she imposed the ban because the journalists were unruly and that they disrupted the proceedings of the board of canvassers.
She denied the request of two local television programs to cover the canvassing because she said she would feel uncomfortable.Jimenez also said there was no need for media coverage because the proceedings were transparent to the lawyers and the watchers of political parties.
Magbutay, however, said the Comelec recognizes the media as its information arm.
PHOTOJOURNALIST ON CRITICAL NEWSPAPER MURDERED
Reporters Without Borders/Reporters sans frontières
Press release
25 May 2007
PHILIPPINES PHOTOJOURNALIST ON CRITICAL NEWSPAPER MURDERED
Reporters Without Borders called today on provincial and national authorities to thoroughly investigate the murder on 21 May of photojournalist Dodie Nunez, of the regional newspaper Katapat, which had criticised corruption. It said the killing may have had political motives.Nunez was returning home in Cavite province, south of Manila, when three motorcyclists stopped the bus he was on and shot him dead, wounding another person.
Katapat editor Archie Gadang stood for provincial governor in elections earlier this month, since when the winner, Ireneo Maliksi, has sued him for libel. During the campaign, the paper had accused Maliksi of corruption.
Several Filipino journalists have been killed in the wake of elections in revenge for often fierce criticism of local politicians. Roberto Ramos, also of Katapat, was killed by motorcycle gunmen on 20 November 2005.
Press release
25 May 2007
PHILIPPINES PHOTOJOURNALIST ON CRITICAL NEWSPAPER MURDERED
Reporters Without Borders called today on provincial and national authorities to thoroughly investigate the murder on 21 May of photojournalist Dodie Nunez, of the regional newspaper Katapat, which had criticised corruption. It said the killing may have had political motives.Nunez was returning home in Cavite province, south of Manila, when three motorcyclists stopped the bus he was on and shot him dead, wounding another person.
Katapat editor Archie Gadang stood for provincial governor in elections earlier this month, since when the winner, Ireneo Maliksi, has sued him for libel. During the campaign, the paper had accused Maliksi of corruption.
Several Filipino journalists have been killed in the wake of elections in revenge for often fierce criticism of local politicians. Roberto Ramos, also of Katapat, was killed by motorcycle gunmen on 20 November 2005.
Saturday, May 19, 2007
MASSIVE VOTE BUYING IN THE PROVINCE OF SORSOGON???
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Politicians in the province of Sorsogon are allegedly involved of massive vote buying ranging to P100 - P400 pesos per voter. Picture shows that different political camps are used money to ensure their victory in May 2007 elections..JPG)
Is it true that governatorial candidate Sally Lee, Edwin Hamor and Congressional Candidate Sonny Escudero and Joevic Duran and other candidates are involved in vote buying???? Friday, May 18, 2007
NEW SORSOGON CITY MAYOR PROCLAIMED
Sorsogon City. The City Board of Canvassers proclaimed Leovic Dioneda as new Sorsogon City Mayor who got the highest number of votes against Bobet Lee, son of Governor Raul Lee. Dioneda lost two (2) times against Mayor Sally Lee who is now the newly elected governor of the province of Sorsogon. (Photo by: BICOLNEWS)
Mayor Dioneda with Vlady Vega of Sorsogon Dateline (left) and Bobby Labalan of Philippine Daily Inquirer. (Photo by: BICOLNEWS)PROVINCIAL BOARD OF CANVASSERS PROCLAIMED NEWLY ELECTED OFFICIALS IN THE PROVINCE OF SORSOGON
The Provincial Board of Canvassers headed by Atty. Norlie Badiola proclaimed the newly elected provincial officials from left 1st District Board Member elect Roland Añonuevo, Vice-Governor elect Renato Laurinaria, 1st District Board Members elect Leosala and Cherry Diaz. (Photo by: BICOLNEWS)
Atty. Norlie Badiola reads the election return from Pilar, Sorsogon for the final count of election result in the province. (Photo by: BICOLNEWS)SENATORIAL AND LOCAL POSITION OFFICIAL RESULTS FOR SORSOGON PROVINCE
PROVINCE OF SORSOGON COMELEC FINAL COUNT
MAY 2007 ELECTION
MAY 2007 ELECTION
SENATORS
1. ESCUDERO, Francis Joseph G. - 202,279
2. HONASAN, Gregorio B. - 144,692
3. LEGARDA, Loren B. - 140,652
4. ARROYO, Joker P - 106,228
5. ROCO, Sonia M. - 106,151
6. LACSON, Panfilo M. - 100,408
7. VILLAR, Manuel Jr. B. - 97,016
8. AQUINO, Benigno Simeon III D. - 93,257
9. TRILLANES, Antonio IV F. - 93,166
10. PANGILINAN, Francis N. - 83,676
11. CAYETANO, Alan Peter S. - 76,182
12. ANGARA, Edgardo J. - 70,523
13. PIMENTEL, Aquilino L. - 57,460
14. ZUBIRI, Juan Miguel F. - 54,578
15. RECTO, Ralph G. - 53,544
16. DEFENSOR, Michael T. - 51,695
17. PICHAY, Prospero Jr. A. - 46,842
18. OSMENA, John Henry R. - 40,677
19. MONTANO, Cesar M. - 38,243
20. MAGSAYSAY, Vicente P. - 37,140
21. SOTTO, Vicente III C. - 32,150
22. COSETENG, Anna Dominique M. - 26,050
23. ORETA, Teresa Tao A. - 23,010
24. GOMEZ, Richard I. - 17,996
25. SINGSON, Luis C. - 14,286
26. KIRAM, Jamalul D. - 7,060
27. CHAVEZ, Melchor G. - 5,221
28. BAUTISTA, Martin D. - 2,862
29. CAYETANO, Joselito P. - 2,487
30. PAREDES, Zosimo Jesus II M. - 2,432
31. ESTRELLA, Antonio L. - 1,907
32. WOOD, Victor N. - 1,590
33. LOZANO, Oliver O. - 1,470
34. SISON, Adrian O. - 1,441
35. ENCISO, Ruben C. - 773
36. CANTAL, Felix C. - 541
37. ORPILLA, Eduardo F. - 421
1. ESCUDERO, Francis Joseph G. - 202,279
2. HONASAN, Gregorio B. - 144,692
3. LEGARDA, Loren B. - 140,652
4. ARROYO, Joker P - 106,228
5. ROCO, Sonia M. - 106,151
6. LACSON, Panfilo M. - 100,408
7. VILLAR, Manuel Jr. B. - 97,016
8. AQUINO, Benigno Simeon III D. - 93,257
9. TRILLANES, Antonio IV F. - 93,166
10. PANGILINAN, Francis N. - 83,676
11. CAYETANO, Alan Peter S. - 76,182
12. ANGARA, Edgardo J. - 70,523
13. PIMENTEL, Aquilino L. - 57,460
14. ZUBIRI, Juan Miguel F. - 54,578
15. RECTO, Ralph G. - 53,544
16. DEFENSOR, Michael T. - 51,695
17. PICHAY, Prospero Jr. A. - 46,842
18. OSMENA, John Henry R. - 40,677
19. MONTANO, Cesar M. - 38,243
20. MAGSAYSAY, Vicente P. - 37,140
21. SOTTO, Vicente III C. - 32,150
22. COSETENG, Anna Dominique M. - 26,050
23. ORETA, Teresa Tao A. - 23,010
24. GOMEZ, Richard I. - 17,996
25. SINGSON, Luis C. - 14,286
26. KIRAM, Jamalul D. - 7,060
27. CHAVEZ, Melchor G. - 5,221
28. BAUTISTA, Martin D. - 2,862
29. CAYETANO, Joselito P. - 2,487
30. PAREDES, Zosimo Jesus II M. - 2,432
31. ESTRELLA, Antonio L. - 1,907
32. WOOD, Victor N. - 1,590
33. LOZANO, Oliver O. - 1,470
34. SISON, Adrian O. - 1,441
35. ENCISO, Ruben C. - 773
36. CANTAL, Felix C. - 541
37. ORPILLA, Eduardo F. - 421
1ST DISTRICT CONGRESSMAN
1. ESCUDERO, Salvador III Hatoc - 62,368
2. DURAN, Jose Vicente Fortin - 38,289
3. BALMACEDA, Cesar Jeresano - 11,845
4. BANARES, Jerry Discaya - 2,125
5. OCAMPO, Isagani Pacho - 494
6. DINEROS, Daniel Dichoso - 92
2ND DISTRICT CONGRESSMAN
1. SOLIS, Jose Guyala - 34,860
2. GOLPEO, Ricardo Grey - 31,840
3. GONZALES, Rodolfo Fulleros - 21,742
4. RAMOS, Cyril Enguerra - 20,441
5. DE CASTRO, Alex Gueta - 283
6. GOLPEO, Edna Tan - 96
GOVERNOR
1. LEE, Sally A. - 99,685
2. HAMOR, Jose Edwin B. - 86,685
3. ESCUDERO, Antonio H. - 30,515
1. ESCUDERO, Salvador III Hatoc - 62,368
2. DURAN, Jose Vicente Fortin - 38,289
3. BALMACEDA, Cesar Jeresano - 11,845
4. BANARES, Jerry Discaya - 2,125
5. OCAMPO, Isagani Pacho - 494
6. DINEROS, Daniel Dichoso - 92
2ND DISTRICT CONGRESSMAN
1. SOLIS, Jose Guyala - 34,860
2. GOLPEO, Ricardo Grey - 31,840
3. GONZALES, Rodolfo Fulleros - 21,742
4. RAMOS, Cyril Enguerra - 20,441
5. DE CASTRO, Alex Gueta - 283
6. GOLPEO, Edna Tan - 96
GOVERNOR
1. LEE, Sally A. - 99,685
2. HAMOR, Jose Edwin B. - 86,685
3. ESCUDERO, Antonio H. - 30,515
VICE GOVERNOR
1. LAURINARIA, Renato G. - 84,559
2. DERI, Oscar G. - 79,499
1ST DISTRICT SP BOARD MEMBERS
1. PERETE, Arnulfo Lorayes - 34,277
2. DIAZ, Rosario Dolot - 33,203
3. RAVANILLA, Francisco Lasala - 27,638
4. LEOSALA, Lovelito Climacosa - 26,070
5. ANONUEVO, Rolando Red - 26,008
6. LAURA, Joven Grafilo - 22,834
7. RELATIVO, Everesto Laurio - 21,354
8. AQUINO, Rodolfo Naldo - 21,221
9. ESCUDERO, Krunimar Antonio II Daen - 20,877
10. LLAMAS, Loreto Jr. Gentolia - 20,232
11. ALEGRE, Nestor Almocera - 17,668
12. HUAB, Antonio Riva - 11,065
13. PURA, Leonilo Haveria - 2,956
1. LAURINARIA, Renato G. - 84,559
2. DERI, Oscar G. - 79,499
1ST DISTRICT SP BOARD MEMBERS
1. PERETE, Arnulfo Lorayes - 34,277
2. DIAZ, Rosario Dolot - 33,203
3. RAVANILLA, Francisco Lasala - 27,638
4. LEOSALA, Lovelito Climacosa - 26,070
5. ANONUEVO, Rolando Red - 26,008
6. LAURA, Joven Grafilo - 22,834
7. RELATIVO, Everesto Laurio - 21,354
8. AQUINO, Rodolfo Naldo - 21,221
9. ESCUDERO, Krunimar Antonio II Daen - 20,877
10. LLAMAS, Loreto Jr. Gentolia - 20,232
11. ALEGRE, Nestor Almocera - 17,668
12. HUAB, Antonio Riva - 11,065
13. PURA, Leonilo Haveria - 2,956
2ND DISTRICT SP BOARD MEMBERS
1. LELIS, Jocelyn Yap - 51,691
2. HAO, Bernard Herrera - 40,019
3. GARCIA, Edwin Fortes - 39,856
4. ESCANDOR, Angel Enano - 39,618
5. GLIPO, Arze Gutay - 37,760
6. FRIVALDO, Francisco Gabito - 29,618
7. GONZALES, Toby Arizapa - 29,305
8. GOTLADERA, Olaf Saide - 21,057
9 . ENCINAS, Paul Mark Geva - 12,723
10. GILBAS, Serafin Bansuela - 12,521
11. GALLANOSA, Maria Corazon Gacos - 1,813
1. LELIS, Jocelyn Yap - 51,691
2. HAO, Bernard Herrera - 40,019
3. GARCIA, Edwin Fortes - 39,856
4. ESCANDOR, Angel Enano - 39,618
5. GLIPO, Arze Gutay - 37,760
6. FRIVALDO, Francisco Gabito - 29,618
7. GONZALES, Toby Arizapa - 29,305
8. GOTLADERA, Olaf Saide - 21,057
9 . ENCINAS, Paul Mark Geva - 12,723
10. GILBAS, Serafin Bansuela - 12,521
11. GALLANOSA, Maria Corazon Gacos - 1,813
PARTYLIST OFFICIAL COUNT FOR SORSOGON PROVINCE
SORSOGON PROVINCE COMELEC FINAL COUNT MAY 2007 ELECTION for PARTYLIST
1. BAYAN MUNA - 16,846
2. BUHAY - 9,198
3. GABRIELA - 7,236
4. APEC - 6,189
5. KABATAAN - 6,097
6. COOPNATCCO - 6,042
7. ANAK PAWIS - 4,464
8. ABA- AKO - 4,347
9. AHONBAYAN - 4,081
10. BATAS - 3,713
11. A TEACHER - 3,388
12. AKBAYAN - 2,547
13. COCOFED - 2,484
14. UNI-MAD - 2,412
15. CIBAC - 1,778
16. SENIOR CITIZENS,INC. - 1,701
17. ARC -1,296
18. ABAKADA - 996
19. GRECON - 996
20. BANTAY - 980
21. FPJPM - 947
22. ABC - 945
23. KAKUSA - 867
24. SAURA - 831
25. AT - 611
26. AAPS - 606
27. ANAK - 605
28. VFP - 598
29. AKAPIN - 537
30. AMIN - 485
31. ADD -TRIBAL - 458
31. AHON - 387
33. ASAP - 352
34. AGHAM - 350
35. PM - 346
36. BANAT - 345
37. KALAHI - 344
38. PMAP - 324
39. ABANSE PINAY - 312
40. AGAP - 301
41. 1-UTAK - 290
42. YACAP - 255
43. SB - 254
44. SANLAKAS - 241
45. BABAE KA - 226
46. BP - 226
47. ABS - 217
48. VENDORS - 203
49. AN WARAY - 201
50. DIWA - 200
51. AVE - 183
52. AANGAT KA PILIPINO - 182
53. BANDILA - 173
1. BAYAN MUNA - 16,846
2. BUHAY - 9,198
3. GABRIELA - 7,236
4. APEC - 6,189
5. KABATAAN - 6,097
6. COOPNATCCO - 6,042
7. ANAK PAWIS - 4,464
8. ABA- AKO - 4,347
9. AHONBAYAN - 4,081
10. BATAS - 3,713
11. A TEACHER - 3,388
12. AKBAYAN - 2,547
13. COCOFED - 2,484
14. UNI-MAD - 2,412
15. CIBAC - 1,778
16. SENIOR CITIZENS,INC. - 1,701
17. ARC -1,296
18. ABAKADA - 996
19. GRECON - 996
20. BANTAY - 980
21. FPJPM - 947
22. ABC - 945
23. KAKUSA - 867
24. SAURA - 831
25. AT - 611
26. AAPS - 606
27. ANAK - 605
28. VFP - 598
29. AKAPIN - 537
30. AMIN - 485
31. ADD -TRIBAL - 458
31. AHON - 387
33. ASAP - 352
34. AGHAM - 350
35. PM - 346
36. BANAT - 345
37. KALAHI - 344
38. PMAP - 324
39. ABANSE PINAY - 312
40. AGAP - 301
41. 1-UTAK - 290
42. YACAP - 255
43. SB - 254
44. SANLAKAS - 241
45. BABAE KA - 226
46. BP - 226
47. ABS - 217
48. VENDORS - 203
49. AN WARAY - 201
50. DIWA - 200
51. AVE - 183
52. AANGAT KA PILIPINO - 182
53. BANDILA - 173
INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS' MISSION IN BICOL
Foreign Observers conduct international mission in one of the militarized town in Bicol. Castilla, Sorsogon. Military were deployed in various barangays and established Barangay Defense System in collaboration with the local chief executive who is running in a second highest elective position in the Province.
Tuesday, May 15, 2007
BICOL TASK FORCE POLL WATCH
BICOL TASK FORCE POLL WATCH
PRESS STATEMENT
May 15, 2007
In 2001, the Bayan Muna Partylist gained more than 250,000 votes in the Bicol Region. And in 2004, the progressive partylists (Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Gabriela Women’s Partylist, Anakbayan, Migrante and Suara Bangsamoro) garnered a total of 216,000 votes. Given the expansion of memberships and sustained campaign efforts, the five progressive partylists, Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Gabriela Women’s Partylist, Kabataan and Suara Bangsamoro, projects to earn at least 370,000 votes in the 2007 elections.
The military and the Arroyo administration, the main culprits of the massive electoral fraud and violence in 2004, were responsible for the decrease in the progressive partylist votes in 2004. GMA’s machinery for cheating, illegal maneuvers and state terrorism is still in place.
Hence, the poll watchers, canvass watchers, members and supporters of the progressive partylists are struggling against the expected various forms of harassment and violence unleashed by the military and Malacañang operatives.
On election day, Bayan Muna pollwatchers were denied entry to precincts by the BEIs in Barangay Pinaghaluban, Barcelona, Sorsogon, citing a military briefing branding Bayan Muna and the other progressive partylists as communist fronts. As of presstime, canvass watchers in the Municipality of Bulan, Sorsogon and other parts of the Bicol Region are experiencing different forms of harassment and intimidation from the military in collusion with the BEIs and BOCs.
In two precincts in Legazpi City, Precinct Nos. 0271-A and 0272-A in Barangay Kawit East Washington, tallied Kabataan votes were not reflected in the Election Returns prompting Kabataan pollwatchers to raise protests thereby forcing the BEIs to make the necessary corrections.
In Naga City, at around 8pm on May 13, 2007, armed men were seen placing campaign steamers for Bayan Muna, Anakpawis and Gabriela Women’ Partylist having the CPP/NPA/NDF-Bicol as signatories. These were strategically placed outside the polling precincts. When apprehended by local authorities, these men claimed to be “special operatives” from Camp Crame. This is a concrete proof of the desperate but vain attempts of the military and the Arroyo administration to sabotage the five progressive partylists.
The five progressive partylists through its vigilant and competent poll and canvass watchers and team of legal counsels will expose and frustrate these undemocratic schemes of the Arroyo administration.
The Bicol TFPW QUICKCOUNT calls on all patriotic and peace loving Bicolanos and Filipinos to protect the vote, thwart all attempts of the military and Arroyo administration to once again manipulate the results of the elections and sow fear among the people.
Expose and fight all forms of electoral fraud and violence!
Reference person:
Jocelyn A. Bisuña
Spokeperson, Bicol TFPW QUICKCOUNT
Contact No. 09284725517
PRESS STATEMENT
May 15, 2007
In 2001, the Bayan Muna Partylist gained more than 250,000 votes in the Bicol Region. And in 2004, the progressive partylists (Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Gabriela Women’s Partylist, Anakbayan, Migrante and Suara Bangsamoro) garnered a total of 216,000 votes. Given the expansion of memberships and sustained campaign efforts, the five progressive partylists, Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Gabriela Women’s Partylist, Kabataan and Suara Bangsamoro, projects to earn at least 370,000 votes in the 2007 elections.
The military and the Arroyo administration, the main culprits of the massive electoral fraud and violence in 2004, were responsible for the decrease in the progressive partylist votes in 2004. GMA’s machinery for cheating, illegal maneuvers and state terrorism is still in place.
Hence, the poll watchers, canvass watchers, members and supporters of the progressive partylists are struggling against the expected various forms of harassment and violence unleashed by the military and Malacañang operatives.
On election day, Bayan Muna pollwatchers were denied entry to precincts by the BEIs in Barangay Pinaghaluban, Barcelona, Sorsogon, citing a military briefing branding Bayan Muna and the other progressive partylists as communist fronts. As of presstime, canvass watchers in the Municipality of Bulan, Sorsogon and other parts of the Bicol Region are experiencing different forms of harassment and intimidation from the military in collusion with the BEIs and BOCs.
In two precincts in Legazpi City, Precinct Nos. 0271-A and 0272-A in Barangay Kawit East Washington, tallied Kabataan votes were not reflected in the Election Returns prompting Kabataan pollwatchers to raise protests thereby forcing the BEIs to make the necessary corrections.
In Naga City, at around 8pm on May 13, 2007, armed men were seen placing campaign steamers for Bayan Muna, Anakpawis and Gabriela Women’ Partylist having the CPP/NPA/NDF-Bicol as signatories. These were strategically placed outside the polling precincts. When apprehended by local authorities, these men claimed to be “special operatives” from Camp Crame. This is a concrete proof of the desperate but vain attempts of the military and the Arroyo administration to sabotage the five progressive partylists.
The five progressive partylists through its vigilant and competent poll and canvass watchers and team of legal counsels will expose and frustrate these undemocratic schemes of the Arroyo administration.
The Bicol TFPW QUICKCOUNT calls on all patriotic and peace loving Bicolanos and Filipinos to protect the vote, thwart all attempts of the military and Arroyo administration to once again manipulate the results of the elections and sow fear among the people.
Expose and fight all forms of electoral fraud and violence!
Reference person:
Jocelyn A. Bisuña
Spokeperson, Bicol TFPW QUICKCOUNT
Contact No. 09284725517
Friday, May 11, 2007
CARAVAN NG MGA PROGRESIBONG PARTYLIST MAINIT NA SINALUBONG NG MGA BILOKANO
BAYAN MUNA - ALBAY
PRESS STATEMENT
May 10, 2007
Caravan ng mga Progresibong Partylist:
Mainit na Sinalubong ng Mamamayang Bikolano
at Sinuportahan ng mga Lokal na Pulitiko
Noong Abril 30, 2007, umarangkada sa buong rehiyong Bikol ang magkakapanabay ng provincial caravan ng mga progresibong partylist. Libu-libong mga kasapi ng Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Gabriela Women’s Partylist, Kabataan at Suara Bangsamoro Partylist, mga militanteng organisasyon at suportador ang sumama at nakiisa sa kampanyang kinatampukan ng mga talumpati, pangkulturang pagtatanghal at film showing.
Sa bawat inikutang munisipyo at mga barangay, ipinakita ng mga lokal na kandidato ang maiinit na pagtanggap sa limang progresibong partylist. Patunay ito na ang pulitika ng pagbabago ay kinikilala at sinusuportahan kahit ng mga tradisyunal na pulitiko.
Ang mga lokal na kandidato na nagtataguyod sa mga prinsipyo, progama, at adhikain ng mga progresibong partylist ay tuluy-tuloy na makakasama ng limang progresibong partylist sa mga aktibidad nito – kampanya, paglaban sa mga anti-mamamayang patakaran ng gubyernong Arroyo, pagkundena sa pampulitikang panggigipit at pamamaslang, pagbantay sa boto, at pagbunyag sa pandaraya sa eleksyon.
Malisyoso ang bintang at pag-ugnay ng AFP at PNP sa suporta ng mga lokal na kandidato sa limang progresibong partylist sa pagbayad diumano ng ”permit to campaign fee.” Walang ibang layunin ito kundi takutin ang mamamayan, i-harass ang mga lokal na pulitiko at mga opisyal ng barangay, at bigyang katwiran ang pananalakay sa hanay ng mga progresibong partylist at militanteng organisasyon.
Ngunit tulad sa nakaraang halalang 2001 at 2004, tiyak na mabibigo ang AFP-PNP at Malakanyang na pigilan ang tagumpay ng pulitika ng mamamayan, ang pulitika ng pagbabago.#
Reference:
Policarpo Baraquiel
Provincial Chairman, Bayan Muna-Albay
PRESS STATEMENT
May 10, 2007
Caravan ng mga Progresibong Partylist:
Mainit na Sinalubong ng Mamamayang Bikolano
at Sinuportahan ng mga Lokal na Pulitiko
Noong Abril 30, 2007, umarangkada sa buong rehiyong Bikol ang magkakapanabay ng provincial caravan ng mga progresibong partylist. Libu-libong mga kasapi ng Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Gabriela Women’s Partylist, Kabataan at Suara Bangsamoro Partylist, mga militanteng organisasyon at suportador ang sumama at nakiisa sa kampanyang kinatampukan ng mga talumpati, pangkulturang pagtatanghal at film showing.
Sa bawat inikutang munisipyo at mga barangay, ipinakita ng mga lokal na kandidato ang maiinit na pagtanggap sa limang progresibong partylist. Patunay ito na ang pulitika ng pagbabago ay kinikilala at sinusuportahan kahit ng mga tradisyunal na pulitiko.
Ang mga lokal na kandidato na nagtataguyod sa mga prinsipyo, progama, at adhikain ng mga progresibong partylist ay tuluy-tuloy na makakasama ng limang progresibong partylist sa mga aktibidad nito – kampanya, paglaban sa mga anti-mamamayang patakaran ng gubyernong Arroyo, pagkundena sa pampulitikang panggigipit at pamamaslang, pagbantay sa boto, at pagbunyag sa pandaraya sa eleksyon.
Malisyoso ang bintang at pag-ugnay ng AFP at PNP sa suporta ng mga lokal na kandidato sa limang progresibong partylist sa pagbayad diumano ng ”permit to campaign fee.” Walang ibang layunin ito kundi takutin ang mamamayan, i-harass ang mga lokal na pulitiko at mga opisyal ng barangay, at bigyang katwiran ang pananalakay sa hanay ng mga progresibong partylist at militanteng organisasyon.
Ngunit tulad sa nakaraang halalang 2001 at 2004, tiyak na mabibigo ang AFP-PNP at Malakanyang na pigilan ang tagumpay ng pulitika ng mamamayan, ang pulitika ng pagbabago.#
Reference:
Policarpo Baraquiel
Provincial Chairman, Bayan Muna-Albay
Friday, May 4, 2007
JOIN THE MARCH TO PROTEST THE FORCED ABDUCTION OF JONAS JOSEPH BURGOS
The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines expresses deep concern over this latest incident and supports all actions that would help bring justice. We understand that this activity is also supported by journalists who worked with Joe Burgos in the early years of Malaya and We Forum, two newspapers that valiantly fought the martial law dictatorship. For those interested to join:
------------ --------- --------- --------- --
Stop Political Repression! Stop Killing Political Activists! ACT now! before they act on you!
Join the march to
protest the forced abduction
of JONAS JOSEPH BURGOS,
son of the late press freedom icon Joe Burgos
3pm, Friday, May 4, 2007
beginning at corner EDSA and Pioneer St. (Robinson's Mall), Mandaluyong
and ending at the People Power Monument beside Camp Aguinaldo, QC.
Organized by:
Amado V. Hernandez Resource Center
(AVHRC)
------------ --------- --------- --------- --
Stop Political Repression! Stop Killing Political Activists! ACT now! before they act on you!
Join the march to
protest the forced abduction
of JONAS JOSEPH BURGOS,
son of the late press freedom icon Joe Burgos
3pm, Friday, May 4, 2007
beginning at corner EDSA and Pioneer St. (Robinson's Mall), Mandaluyong
and ending at the People Power Monument beside Camp Aguinaldo, QC.
Organized by:
Amado V. Hernandez Resource Center
(AVHRC)
WORLD PRESS FREEDOM DAY
NATIONAL UNION OF JOURNALISTS OF THE PHILIPPINES
Today is World Press Freedom Day.
Today, we in the Philippine media again mark this day in commemoration and mourning of what we should be celebrating, press freedom.Yes, our government has never tired of boasting that we are the freest, most vibrant press in Asia.Vibrant we will not dispute.
Today is World Press Freedom Day.
Today, we in the Philippine media again mark this day in commemoration and mourning of what we should be celebrating, press freedom.Yes, our government has never tired of boasting that we are the freest, most vibrant press in Asia.Vibrant we will not dispute.
For Philippine journalism has continued to remain vibrant, indeed continues to flourish, despite persistent attempts to stifle press freedom.The numbers speak for themselves. Less than two weeks ago, Carmelo Palacios of government-run Radyo ng Bayan was founded brutally murdered in Nueva Ecija, the 51st journalist slain under this administration and the 88th since 1986.
A day after, the tally would have risen by another life had not the assailants botched their ambush of Inquirer correspondent Delfin Mallari Jr. and dzMM's Johnny Glorioso, both founding members of the NUJP in Quezon province.We again emphasize that this is the highest toll under any administration, far surpassing that of the 14-year Marcos dictatorship, or the combined death toll of the three preceding administrations combined, making the Philippines the second most dangerous place for journalists after war-torn Iraq.
Countless other journalists continue to labor daily with threats to either their lives or freedoms hovering over their heads.Public officials and figures continue to wield our obsolete libel law as a weapon to silence or, at the very least, make life miserable for journalists presumptuous enough to dare expose their wrongdoings.And government?As so many have pointed out, this administration cannot escape culpability for the continued assaults on press freedom and, indeed, civil rights as a whole because its inaction -- some say deliberate -- has nurtured the culture of impunity that allows these atrocities to go on unchecked, the perpetrators free to sow their deadly mayhem.And no other administration since the dictatorship has attempted such a wholesale stifling of the Philippine media as this.
We only have to recall the infamous "Know Thy Enemy" military presentation that lists the NUJP and the Philippine Center of Investigative Journalism, along with the revered Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines and other religious groups, of being "legal fronts" of the communist rebel movement.Had it not been for the Philippine media's valiant defiance during last year's state of national emergency, we would undoubtedly have found ourselves again being fed lies and inanities by a controlled press.And still, government has not stopped looking for ways to put a leash on the press. For all its supposed "safeguards," the Human Security Act is a draconian piece of legislation with horrible implications not just for press freedom but for all our basic liberties.Already notorious for a lack of transparency, the administration continues to throw up barricades against access to information by issuing edicts that are tantamount to gag orders. Memorandum Circular 108 and Executive Order 608 immediately come to mind.And the state's virtual censorship arm, the MTRCB, is attempting to extend its reach through a memorandum that seeks to control news and public affairs programs.But aside from the external threats confronting Filipino journalists, there are problems that hound them in the workplace that, at a very basic level, constrain their freedom to practice our vocation fully and, worse, make them vulnerable to corruption. This is painfully true in the provinces where the bulk of our slain colleagues worked and where many more do so under conditions of extreme poverty and danger.In many cases, media owners with their own vested interests to advance or protect themselves impose restrictions that not only stifle their employees but actually push them towards looser ethical standards.
But while the situation is bleak, Filipino journalists have by and large refused to be cowed and continue struggling to push back the walls closing in around them. Which is as it should be.For the democratic space we have won back after long struggle is too precious to surrender. We cannot allow, through submission or default, ourselves, our people and nation, to be plunged back into the darkness of official tyranny.We therefore call on our colleagues, on other media organizations, and the people we serve, to stand together once again to meet the mounting threats head-on and resolve to drive them back once and for all.Today is World Press Freedom Day. Yes, we will commemorate this day by remembering those who have perished in its defense and mourning its absence.But let us not stop there. Let us, too, commemorate this day by making a vow that we will persevere until we can truly mark this day by celebrating the full blooming of press freedom in our land.
Reference:
Rowena Paraan, Secretary-General
Sonny Fernandez, Vice President
Nonoy Espina, Deputy Secretary-General
Wednesday, May 2, 2007
JOURNALIST IN BLACK DURING NATIONWIDE COORDINATED DAY OF INDIGNATION
PRESS RELEASE
April 25, 2007
Journalists in Black during the Nationwide Coordinated Day of Indignation
Journalists nationwide call for end to attacks on media.Journalists all over the country wore black and joined rallies and other activities today (Wednesday) to protest the latest attacks on the Philippine press, which last week claimed the life of a colleague, wounded another, saw other arrested and yet another slapped with alibel suit.
References:Jose Torres, Jr, ChairpersonRowena Carranza-Paraan, Secretary-General
April 25, 2007
Journalists in Black during the Nationwide Coordinated Day of Indignation
Journalists nationwide call for end to attacks on media.Journalists all over the country wore black and joined rallies and other activities today (Wednesday) to protest the latest attacks on the Philippine press, which last week claimed the life of a colleague, wounded another, saw other arrested and yet another slapped with alibel suit.
The nationwide coordinated day of indignation, organized by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP), took place a day after Carmelo "Mark" Palacios, Nueva Ecija reporter ofgovernment-run Radyo ng Bayan, was laid to rest.
Palacios was found dead last week, his body battered and a gunshot through his chin. He was the 51st journalist murdered under the Arroyo administration and the 88th since the democratic restoration of 1986.
A day after this, Delfin Mallari Jr., Philippine Daily Inquirer correspondent, and dzMM's Johnny Glorioso, were on their way to host a radio program when ambushed by two motorcycle-riding gunmen.
Mallari was wounded.
In the same week, Cebu Governor Gwen Garcia sued veteran broadcaster and newspaper columnist Leo Lastimosa over his exposes on the alleged scams surrounding the preparations for the 12th ASEAN Summit. And in Albay, dzRH's Jun Alegre was arrested on a 10-year old libel case.
In Lucena City, Mallari, in a wheelchair, led more than 80 colleagues himself in a march around the town followed by an indignation rally to challenge the national government and the Philippine National Police (PNP) to put an end to the unabated attacks on members of the media.
Joining the Quezon journalists was a contingent from Batangas led by members of the Batangas Newswriters' Association and NUJP-Batangas.
Aside from the rally in Quezon, NUJP provincial chapters in Baguio, Iloilo, Sorsogon, Bacolod, Davao, Olongapo, Kidapawan City, Cagayan deOro City, Pampanga and Nueva Ecija held their own activities.
NUJP secretary general Rowena Paraan, who joined the Quezon protest, challenged the PNP and Task Force Usig to put the masterminds of attacks on journalists behind bars.
Paraan said of the 88 cases since 1986, there have only been four convictions, and only of the gunmen, none of the masterminds.
"The PNP should explain why, despite their various claims that they were doing everything to solve these killings, they have failed to jail the masterminds of these killings," she said.
The NUJP is planning to initiate a dialogue with the PNP and key Malacañang officials to discuss concrete measures how to stop the violence against members of the media.
References:Jose Torres, Jr, Chairperson
STOP FUNDING LAFAYETTE MINING IN RAPU-RAPU ISLAND
KALIKASAN-PNE
KALIKASAN— PEOPLES NETWORK FOR THE ENVIRONMENT
PRESS RELEASE
April 24, 2007
Stop funding Lafayette Mining in Rapu-Rapu island!
Internationally-coordinated protest action demands that ABN AMRO pull out
from Australian-owned mining project in the Philippines
Internationally coordinated protest actions hits ABN AMRO offices in three countries today as environmental activists pressured the international bank to withdraw its support for a controversial large-scale mining project in Rapu-rapu island.
ABN AMRO, an international bank holding main office in the Netherlands, is one of the high-profile investors behind the Rapu-Rapu mine project along with ANZ of Australia, KFSX of South Korea and Standard Chartered Bank of the United Kingdom.
Four protest actions were held today in Makati City and Legazpi City in the Philippines, Cheung Kong Centre in Hongkong and Amsterdam in The Netherlands. Two protest actions were held in the Philippines: a rally in Legazpi City, Albay headed by local anti-mining organizations Sagip Isla, Sagip Kapwa and Umalpas Ka Bikol and a roving protest in front of ABN AMRO Philippine Office in Makati City.
In other countries, pickets were held in front of the ABN AMRO Hongkong Office, Corporate and Institutional Banking, ABN AMRO Bank N.V. 38/F, Cheung Kong Centre 2 Queens Road Central Hong Kong and the ABN AMRO Head Office, ABN AMRO Bank N.V. Gustav Mahlerlaan 10 1082 PP Amsterdam The Netherlands
The Australian company Lafayette Mining Limited owns and operates the polymetallic mining project in the small island of Rapu-rapu in Albay Philippines. In October 2005, Lafayette's commercial open-pit mining operations resulted in two mine tailings spills that caused cyanide contamination and fish kills in the rivers and adjacent coastal areas in the island. In December 2006, heavy rains from supertyphoon Reming (international codename Durian) hit the mining area and caused landslides that killed 11 people all from mining-affected communities while Lafayette incurred heavy damages on its mine infrastructures and facilities.
Environmental activists, local Church groups, and the Rapu-Rapu community last February circulated an international petition signed by over 800 environmentalists from 27 countries and thousands of Bicolanos and exhorting ABN AMRO to withdraw financial support for the project and help defuse the environmental time bomb that Lafayette Mining has planted in Rapu-Rapu.
"We want Lafayette to pull out their financial support for Lafayette's destructive and dirty mining project in Rapu-Rapu. ABN AMRO made a mistake in financing the Lafayette's mining project, which has already caused environmental tragedies, economic dislocations and social miseries to the local people of Rapurapu and nearby municipalities," said Clemente Bautista, National Coordinator of Kalikasan, a Philippine-based environmental activist group.
"The environmental and social risk of the project is very high for ABN AMRO to gamble with. Up to now, the issue of Acid Mine Drainage (AMD) has not been addressed by Lafayette. Many experts and scientists says that Rapurapu is an environmental time bomb. The toxic contamination that will result from Lafayette mine tailings and AMD will be so massive and extensive that will render the island devastated and uninhabitable," Mr. Bautista points.
Meanwhile Filipinos, Chinese and Dutch picketed the offices of ABN AMRO main office in The Netherlands and Hongkong.
"The Nederlans-Filippijnse Solidariteitsbeweging (NFS) is very concerned about the situation in Rapu-Rapu Island - not just over the environmental damage, but also over the social impacts. We fear that the Arroyo government will use its military to try to silence opposition to the mining project - as it did to Mindoro and other provinces," said Theo Droog, Chairperson of NFS, a Dutch-Filipino Solidarity group in The Netherlands.
"The NFS will try its best to let the Dutch public know that the Lafayette mining project which ABN-AMRO is funding is operating without social-acceptability of the local communities. Lafayette mining project will not even pass the Equator Principles that ABN AMRO promotes. We hope to get the support of the Dutch people, especially the ABN-AMRO clients, to pressure the bank to withdraw its support for the said project," added Mr. Droog.
The Equator Principles (EPs) is a voluntary set of guidelines for assessing and managing environmental and social risks in project financing which was signed by several international banks from Europe.
Eman Villanueva, Secretary-General of United Filipinos in Hong Kong (UNIFIL-MIGRANTE-HK) said that "Lafayette mining project are example of the so-called foreign "development projects" that promises economic prosperity to the Filipinos but actually results in the massive extraction of their resources and destruction of their local livelihoods like what is happening now in Rapurapu. This drives more Filipinos to look for jobs to other countries to support their families. Lafayette mining is not in Rapu-Rapu to help us Filipinos but to rob us of our natural wealth."
Reference: Clemente Bautista, National Coordinator, Kalikasan 0922-844-9787 or 920-9099.
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